With the return of exiles from the beginning of the early 1990s and the demise of the horrendous political system known as apartheid in South Africa , an old chapter has been closed. It was a chapter whose pp were characterised by racial exploitation and the oppression of the black majority that gathered momentum over centuries. By contrast, the decade of democracy, which began in the nineties, could be characterised as a return to the basic moral traditional values of society which are being propagated through the moral regeneration movement.

The ruling party – the African National Congress (ANC) – of which Oliver Tambo was a prominent member, has managed within a short period to confront the frontiers of poverty, disease and unemployment.

Business Monitor International (2004) noted that: “The prize that the ANC thought it would win by following International Monetary Fund (IMF) style economic policies was fast economic growth and foreign investment, which would create a ‘trickle down' effect that would raise the living standards of the population, a large majority of whom are poor.

“However, economic growth has failed to take off, although there has been important progress in the social arena. The state expenditure on social services has grown by 4% per annum on average over the past 10 years, producing impressive gains such as providing 1,5 million poor households with access to electricity and increasing the literacy rate amongst the young from 83% to 96%. Also, the number of people receiving income support has doubled to over 5 million, and a similar number of children now receive daily school meals.

Finally, about 75% of the population now have free primary health care. 1 In other words, “the South African government's economic strategy has shifted to a much more interventionist stance. The new emphasis on public spending as the driver of growth and job creation is sensible and prudent, and will in theory contribute to political stability by reducing social pressures. The main doubt is whether the strategy can be financed and service delivery improved.” 2

In this regard, the exploitative economic and social system that was designed over the past 300 years to ensure structural inequality and unconcealed racism is gradually and systematically being reversed.

That said, celebrations of the 10th anniversary of our people's democracy has thrown up numerous questions about the political interpretation of the struggle waged by the black majority over many years against white minority rule.

How, for instance, does one conceptualise and interpret the various contributions to political and social change made by the peasants in rural areas? Can one distinguish between the contribution made by giving food and shelter to freedom fighters hounded from village to village by the security forces and those who articulated the black cause for justice in conferences and assemblies?

Who was helping whom, and how, in the struggle for political emancipation? These basic questions are necessary if individual and group contributions to the liberation of a particular community are to be rationally pursued.

At the time of the turbulent student protests in 1976, an unnamed peasant who had never seen the inside of a classroom told high school students: “If the railway buses were to leave for the goldfields in Johannesburg empty and come back full of amaMpondo mine labourers, there would be change in this country.” 3

This statement by a rural, illiterate man, represents a non-violent strategy for political change. The implementation of this strategy would have brought about economic paralysis because the mining industry was manned by cheap black labour from the rural areas, particularly Mpondoland. This humble man, however, lived and died and nothing – apart from the above statement - was ever recorded about his contributions to the new, democratic South Africa .

Reflecting on the history of which this democracy has been born, we are impelled to take a look at the road on which we have travelled in order to be where we are today. That history is intimately interwoven with the life of Tambo, who died on 24 April 1993, after having sacrificed the best part of his life so that South Africans should enjoy total liberty in a democratic social order, whose specific concerns are the interests of the workers and the poor.

Placing Tambo's biographical sketches at the disposal of our communities should inspire and stimulate the younger generation, in particular, to fight and die for the democracy to which Tambo was so committed. In short, this book is an attempt to sustain that democracy of which we are eternally proud.

The concept of the sacrificial self and commitment to the liberation of a particular people cannot be understood separately from Tambo's cultural roots in Mbizana, Mpondoland, where his umbilical cord was cut. The midwives who attended his birth buried his umbilical cord – as was tradition – in a thatched hut with a floor made of polished cow dung.

Like many who knew something about this man and were versed in the philosophy and psychology of the communities into which he had been born and bred, it is important for me to raise critical questions and speculate about the ways in which he was committed to a free, non-racial and non-sexist society. Through all of this, the wells and rivers from which he drank, and the mountains and pastures on which his father's flock grazed, have inspired me to raise meaningful questions about the political structures he acted as a “midwife” to and the contributions he made.

Tambo was one of the greatest thinkers of our time, and his life reminds me in a way of the traditional three-legged cast-iron pot used in countless African homesteads.

The first leg of his life stands firmly in his rural culture, with its agrarian systems. It was a communal environment with strong emphasis on relationships that disclose themselves through reflection and interaction with other people. Here the chiefs were the traditional leaders who gave direction on the political affairs of the tribe, while the priests served as custodians of the community's morals. Both these strands were visible in Tambo's personality. When on leave at home in the countryside, he would visit either the Great Place or participate in a church service before returning to work in the then Transvaal .

The cultural “leg” that profoundly informed Tambo consisted of a wealth of knowledge concerning the historical narrations of his tribe. From working in the cattle kraal he had absorbed stories of warriors, while fireside get-togethers had enriched him with legends, fables and folk tales. All these gave him hope and sustained him during the years of oppression. His attempts to develop a united South African community based on individual character and integrity stemmed from his experiences of the extended family, which emphasised that while people have different gifts, they share a common humanity.

The second “leg of the pot” reveals his deeply religious character and commitment to human dignity. Few interviews were ever conducted with him in which he did not refer to the religious aspects of his life-religion in this sense denoting the connection between people and a spiritual being. The supernatural being is a negation of the human power that exploits and destroys the poor and the weak. Tambo's political articulations, in concert with his emphasis on human rights that were denied to the African people, were expressed within the context of his understanding of a liberal Christian ethic.The growth of this particular tradition during and since Tambo's life can be divided into six periods.

THE FORMATIVE POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS PERIOD: This developed during the Second World War (1939-44). The emphasis at this time was on achieving sociopolitical change through constitutional means. Unfortunately, Tambo was expelled from Fort Hare University for leading a student class boycott in support of a demand to form a democratically-elected student's representative council.

This was followed by a period of RADICAL POLITICAL REASSERTION between 1945 and 1959. The events of the 1940s seemed to have subordinated the emphasis on achieving meaningful change by constitutional means. More and more of the disenfranchised were supportive of the notion of civil disobedience, yet some ANC leaders felt the time had not yet come for that.

However, civil disobedience did occur from 1952 through to 1959. There was a dichotomy between those radicals who favoured non-violent methods of social change and those who wished to bring about an alternative political system through violence. However, non-violence was well supported and demonstrated in the Defiance Campaign of 1952. The Freedom Charter (1955) was, in my view, a manifesto of non-violence.

The third period might be called the TURN OF THE TIDE (1959 to 1962). This period emphasised once again the necessity for the country to reject the apartheid machinery, with a de-emphasis on violent change. Nevertheless, there was an emergence of a revolutionary counter-culture, especially after the banning of organisations that opted for violent methods of political change. From 1963 to 1986 the country, compared to the previous periods, was in a state of violent flux. It was a period of UNGOVERNABILITY, with internal and external forces exerting pressure through sanctions and the marginalisation of the apartheid state. The period of TALKS-ABOUT-TALKS (1987 to 1994) was characterised by the process of negotiation and the return of exiles. This period saw the unbanning of political activity, the death of Tambo and the transfer of power to the black majority.

From 1994 through to the present, we have witnessed a period in which all the people of South Africa have had the right to vote for the government of their choice. This is the period of RECONSTRUCTION AND NATION BUILDING, and might be divided into three stage – political freedom, reconciliation and Africanisation.

I have described the first two legs of the Tambo “pot” as his traditional upbringing and deeply felt Christian beliefs. The third leg of the pot, was the western education he received. Tambo was well educated, yet humble and self-effacing. He regarded education as a tool to liberate and empower ordinary people. The Oliver Tambo Letters , written between 1928 and 1940, show that he was profoundly influenced by – and a product of – the liberal missionary education he received. He attended Ludeke Methodist School , Holy Cross Mission and St Peter's College and the University College of Fort Hare, from which he obtained a BSc degree, majoring in mathematics and physics. He was a bright student and subsequently studied law through the University of South Africa . As a mathematician and a qualified lawyer, he was well prepared to face the hostile world of racism, with its concomitant marginalisation and exploitation of blacks.

There are two dominant and conflicting characteristics of the western liberal tradition. First, it was influenced by social distinctions based on race, which were used as a criterion to refuse a place to DDT Jabavu to study at Dale College in King William's Town in 1911. Second was the inclusive stream of thought – in 1863 the Lovedale Missionary Institution had a racially mixed student population. The student admission policy of the day did not use race as a criterion for acceptance into institutions of learning, yet underlying contradictions in the education system were already discernible.

Tambo spent most of his life seeking a political synthesis of the contradictions between integration and disintegration of the South African political identity. These traditions were applied in varying degrees in the eras of both colonialism and apartheid. Nevertheless, in the liberal missionary education period there was no apartheid at schools, universities and colleges. Herein lies the strength of the liberal education policies that profoundly influenced Tambo.

For Tambo, the division of educational structures into black and white directly reflected the contradictions of South African society between the domi nant and dominated racial groups. These were grounded in the structural contradictions of capitalism. On the one hand, the white minority saw education as a tool to prepare itself for leadership. Tambo, on the other hand, argued that if the same educational opportunities were offered to all the people of South Africa – irrespective of class, gender or race – the future of the country was guaranteed.

He rejected white claims that African cultural and social backgrounds meant they needed a different, inferior system of education. Instead he called for the involvement of the disenfranchised in technological and economic training so that they might be equipped for future leadership.

The three major themes that are grouped around Tambo as the “three-legged pot” are interrelated in my analysis. However, there is a filigree thread that runs through and binds them together. It is the Christian ethical values to which we referred earlier. As a young man he was accepted as a candidate for the ministry of the Anglican Church under the pastoral leadership of Bishop Ambrose Reeves of Johannesburg . But the fact that he was one of the 156 accused in the marathon 1956 Treason Trial prevented him from taking up holy orders. Presumably he would have been the first black bishop of the Anglican Church in South Africa . (Incidentally, the first president of the ANC in 1912 was an ordained minister of religion, Dr John Langalibalele Dube.)

Both Nelson Mandela and Tambo, along with some of their contemporaries in the struggle, were products of Christian mission schools where they were taught that you civilise a people by letting them be exposed to different cultures. Tambo rubbed shoulders with chiefs, kings, queens, priests and bishops without losing the common touch.

The archival records of the ANC show that the movement was manned by leaders who were consistently and consciously aware of the temporal and eternal values in South African society. Included in Tambo's circle of friends was Trevor Huddleston, a priest who had taken vows of obedience, celibacy and poverty.

In light of the above, I shall trace the meteoric rise of this black son of South Africa and chart the journey on which I invite the reader to be my guest. The intention is to demonstrate the routes that the struggle for political change in this country has taken. Yet this is not only a narrative but also a descriptive piece of work, drawing insights from historical events, particularly those that took place in Mpondoland. The book's main thesis is that the process of political change requires a deep sense of individual and group commitment if it is to bring about the emancipation of a particular community.

THE BOOK IN OUTLINE

In Chapter 1 are found the introductory remarks.

In Chapter 2 the ancestral and parental background of Tambo is given and developed in relation to the social and historical context of where he was born and bred. The book as a whole is based on the biographical notes of a particular person, grounded in the history of struggle in South Africa .

In Chapter 3 we explore the historical and cultural contexts of Tambo's schooling at Ludeke Methodist School and Holy Cross Mission which are important in understanding the role played by the world church in liberating the human potential of historically disadvantaged communities.

In Chapter 4 Tambo's education and training are further discussed with reference to St Peters Secondary School and the University College of Fort Hare. This is necessary for understanding who financed his education because, as we shall see, Tambo came from a poor household. His expulsion from Fort Hare is also examined.

In Chapter 5 the religious and ethical presuppositions identified are developed relative to the concept of civil religion. We show that the mission-educated freedom fighters never drew a line between temporal and eternal values.

In Chapter 6 Tambo is viewed as a teacher, lawyer and freedom fighter. His intellectual capabilities and political development are gauged as important factors in preparing him for leadership.

In Chapter 7 we recall how he was attracted to Adelaide Tshukudu, a nursing sister. This led to their tying the knot, and embarking on a lifelong partnership that recognised the inevitability of tensions between individuals and political systems.

Chapter 8 chronicles his deployment by the ANC to foreign lands in order to relate abroad the story of black oppression in South Africa . It identifies the historical events leading to his escape and the amaMpondo uprising as significant themes that underscore the severity of the political situation at the time.

Chapter 9 argues that the flight of political activists to the then Nyasaland , Tanganyika , Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia, Swaziland and Basutholand, and into other countries, was facilitated by many people, including Fish Keitseng. It has been frequently implied or suggested that only males were involved in the political struggle. This seems to be a misunderstanding of the ‘struggle' itself for women activists were deeply involved in the liberation of South Africa . Moreover, the chapter argues that there was a bureaucratic chain of command that operated to hold the movement together in unity. We also discuss the impact of the Anti-Apartheid Movement on western nations. Life in exile involved great personal sacrifice, but without it political change would not have been realised.

In Chapter 10 the liberation of South Africa marches hand in hand with denunciations of apartheid and the emerging alliances with leftist organisations are endorsed.

In Chapter 11 we describe the origins of negotiations and the characters who masterminded the political dialogue that brought about the South African miracle.

Chapter 12 discusses the return of Tambo and the exiles, recounts his public appearances and marks his death. Included in this chapter are Tambo's praise songs.